THE BELL OF FLIES

Fighting corruption is world wide a main issue. At stake is the human right on a decent state, rule of law and accountable government. In my paper I focus on our struggle to curb corruption in one of the major cities of Ukraine, Lviv. In that I highlight the unexpected power of moral learning as a critical leverage to curb corruption. In fighting corruption it makes sense to distinguish between high level and low level, survival corruption, in Russian called Blat. Survival corruption requires a »corrupted« mind: a strategy of moral learning of civil servants. This is not the mind of a malicious, greedy or corrupt civil servant, but a moral strategy to accommodate to (post) totalitarian and oligarchic political institutionalizing in Ukraine. The tragedy of the »corrupted« mind is that it not only helps to survive conditions of corrupt oligarchic political institutions, but also tend to reproduce them. Installing a process of moral learning to deconstruct the Ukrainian, Lvivian moral narrative, and design an alternative moral discourse with civil servants, seems therefore paramount. Based on seminars on moral learning with about 1500 civil servants in Lviv I first reconstruct this »corrupted« mind as a set of imperatives of organizational moral learning in Lviv City Council. Second I show that these imperatives are path dependent on three critical junctures of political institutionalizing in Lviv: totalitarian, oligarchic and national-democratic. In the 'oligarchic democracy', as Ukraine is called, the experience with totalitarianism still has its hold on the mind of the civil servant, although the totalitarian political institutions in itself no longer exist. This is reflected in the defensive moral reasoning shown in the »corrupted« mind, which I call the Bell of Flies. The thin and selfish morality of the oligarchic path leads only to further delegitimizing and erosion of trust in political institutions in contemporary Ukraine and Lviv, and a possible increase of low level and high level corruption. This makes plausible that breaking this spell of the Bell of Flies, and developing an alternative account of moral learning is crucial for lowering corruption and creating a decent local city administration, rule of law, and accountable City Council. The national-democratic path, going back to the Ukrainian independence in 1991, the Orange Revolution of 2004, and the Maidan uprising in 2013, is also reflected in the imperatives of the »corrupted« mind. It is the fertile ground for breaking up this self-defeating strategy of moral knowledge and learning and developing a new moral compass with civil servants of Lviv. By this moral learning in Lviv improves the national-democratic role of the civil servant, improves the legitimacy and trustworthiness of the civic administration, and leads to stronger and more just local political institutions. The main lesson learned from the Lviv experience is that fighting corruption has to be adjusted to the history and local experience of citizens and civil servants. On the one hand by creating communities of moral inquiry in communities of communal practice. On the other hand by historical institutional analysis, reconstructing the path dependence of experiences with corruption. Being a scholar and practitioner a street scientist is, so I argue, crucial in winning the fight against corruption.

1 This essay couldn't have been written without my friends and collegue's Frans Geraedts and Leonard de Jong. The three of us -all philosophers -founded G&I in 2001 and developped the 'discursive machine' and intervention practice we use. All our thinking is a collaborative philosophical effort. In a deep sense there is only one author. Above that Frans has been my soulmate in Ukraine for ten years know. My gratititude also goes to Orysya Bila my friend, philosopher at the Greek Catholic University, and collegue in G&I. Without her the reconstruction of the »corrupted« mind as a learning imperative, wouldn't have been possible. Last and not least I want to thank Lviv Mayor Andriy Sadovyy and his staf for inviting us to work inside Lviv City Council in 2007 and being persistent in supporting the project even under very unfavourable circumstances, untill today.

Introduction
It's remarkable and quite an achievement that reducing corruption has become globally a main issue for all citizens of the world. A decent, non corrupt government is, or should be, a human right. It's a gateway to a just and prosperous society. Although a non-corrupt government should be common for all residents on our earth, in fact it isn't. Two-thirds of the world citizens are de facto denied the right of a non corrupt government. 2 It's an understatement that fighting corruption is the decisive issue for the future of Ukraine. And not only for Ukraine. If we succeed in rolling back corruption it will be an example for Russia and other countries in Europe and the world. Corruption has many faces, many symptoms, and many causes. 3 I't often seen as a disease that infects the whole tissue of a society. It's main symptoms are inequality of rights and wealth, clientelism, low trust among citizens, and stagnant economic development. In short, it compromises political institutionsthe state and bureaucracy, rule of law and accountable governance. 4 In Ukraine we see high level corruption among high placed civil servants, politicians, the judiciary and oligarchs, with a lot of money involved. But we also see widespread low level, pity, survival corruption -in Russian called blat: corruption as 'problem solving' and staying alive. Both systems interconnect and enforce each other.
As corruption has many causes, it has many cures. There is no 'one best way' to roll back corruption. There are also no blue prints. Our world wide track record in reducing corruption is still not very impressive. 5 It needs institutional redesign, separation of powers, an independent and non-political judiciary, the abolition of impunity. It also needs redesign of the municipal government in Ukraine. Local integrity of government is crucial for the building of 2  In all these issues my colleagues and I are heavily involved in Ukraine for the last decade, especially in Lviv and Chernivtsi. In this essay I want to focus on Lviv and on a particular feature of our approach: installing a process of moral learning in City Councils.
Corruption in Ukraine is not only about greed, or about politicians and public servants making a lot of money, by using public resources for private gains. It's not only something 'outside', but also something inside the minds and learning imperatives of Ukrainians living and working in the remnants of a post-totalitarian, oligarchic society. The last five years we experimented with creating communities of moral inquiry in the City Council of Lviv, developing a moral compass with civil servants and managers of these cities, and constructing and deconstructing the Ukrainian moral narrative in the public service. In this essay, I invite you to join me in this fascinating life changing adventure.
I'm planning to do this in three steps. First, I want to prepare the ground and introduce you in some thoughts discussing the idea of the "»corrupted« mind as an imperative of organizational learning under the conditions of oligarchic political institutions. Second, I want to present some empirical findings as outcome of our work with about fifteen hundred civil servants and others in the last five years. It gives us a view inside this imperative, especially on what I call moral defensive routines. Third I want to discuss some thoughts on the institutional background of this »corrupted« mind and why it makes sense to see introducing a process of moral learning as vital for curbing corruption in modernizing countries.
Before continuing, I have to make two notes. First I apologize for using the words »corrupted« mind. It can sound rather offensive for the people I worked with. It's important to stress that I don't want to describe an individual psychological, sinful, condition, but some characteristics of an imperative of moral, and organizational learning. It's, using a concept of Chris Argyris, a moral theory-in-use that permeates all learning in political institutions in Ukraine. I have no words that better fits the mental experience of living for generations under the perverted conditions of totalitarian and oligarchic rule. It not only produces human beings who have to survive in this moral desert. It not only reproduces the cultural prerequisites of a culture of corruption. But it also destroys something inside: it corrupts our personal, human dignity.
Second a word on the title: the Bell of Flies. The metaphor came up at one of our seminars. It describes a phenomenon of the persistence of attitudes of moral learning that persist, even after the conditioning institutional circumstances have been abolished or softened. The »corrupted« mind, as an imperative of moral organizational learning, reflects the echo's of living under totalitarian, nazi and soviet rule from 1939 until 1991 -the year of Ukrainian independenceand its oligarchic modification under the Kuchma and Yanukovich presidency. Breaking the spell of The Bell of Flies is imperative for fulfilling the promise made when in 1991 the Lenin Boulevard in Lviv was renamed the Svoboda -Freedom -Boulevard.

A lesson in corruption
Let me start with a short story. About ten years ago -so far before Maidan 6 -we organized on invitation of Krok University in Kyiv -a seminar on moral judgment 7 for civil servants of all over Ukraine. In the training we investigate decisions which troubled the participants, and on which they were doubtful what the morally right course of action should be. Our question is quite simple: 'What action in the choice under investigation is morally right?' By morally right we mean that the action takes sufficiently into account the rights, interests, and wishes of all who have to bear the burden of your action. This sounds deceivingly simple, and it is. But it is a powerful moral intervention.
One woman -a civil servant, who was part of the group we worked with -came up with an interesting case. She had an unexpected opportunity for a holiday trip with her family to Poland. Unfortunately she had no passport. The trip was in two weeks, but getting a passport would take her at least a month. So, she asked, should I bribe a civil servant? I pay a $100,= and I get my passport. Everybody happy. We have our holiday and they have an extra income.  7 In this seminar on moral judgment civil servants investigate from a moral point of view difficult decisions they had to make in their job. In the first part we discuss the question 'what makes an action morally right'. Of course this is the primary question of moral philosophy during its history of the last 2500 years. We come up with an accurate definition: 'An action is morally right if it takes sufficiently into account the rights, interests an wishes of all who are involved and have to bear the burden of the action.' In the second part of the seminar we investigate some of the sticky decisions employees had to make in their job. By using a fairly simple method of taking several steps of moral inquiry the civil servants learn how, together, they can develop a moral judgment on every decision they have to make on which they may have moral doubts. In doing that they can trust that their judgment will be morally right. In short: the seminar offers a philosophical inquiry in the idea of justice, and a practical method of moral inquiry in difficult and sticky decisions. The premium is that it installs a community of moral inquiry in a community of practice of civil servants in City Councils.
When we asked alle participants -all civil servants -what they would do if they were this lady, they all agreed on one imperative: bribe! However, after we carefully investigated the case the opinion changed 180 degrees. It was definitely morally wrong to bribe a civil servant. The advantage of a holiday could't prevail over violating the right on a non corrupt decent government of 45 million Ukrainians.
After discussing this case another man came up with a case that looked on face value very similar. It was also about bribing. But in a hospital. His little daughter was very ill. She had high fever and he was very worried. In the hospital he waited for the doctor. Every time when a doctor passed by he asked for help. But nothing happened. Then a doctor came in, and he showed some money, and miraculously the doctor took care of the sick little girl. "So", he asked, "was I morally wrong paying the doctor?" Again, we investigated the case, asking ourselves what would take sufficiently into account the rights and interests of all who are involved in the case. Surprisingly our conclusion was that bribing the doctor was the morally right thing to do. The care for his young daughter should prevail over the rights of 45 million Ukrainian citizens on a non corrupt, decent state.
For me this was one of my most memorable experiences in working in Ukraine, which only then just started. First, I learned very quickly how endemic corruption was spread in Ukraine.
Not only because of large sums of money could be gained by it, but because a simple problem could be solved by bribing a civil servant. Corruption is a state of mind. Second, what really surprised me, and which I never give a thought before: there is morally wrong, and morally right corruption. There are reasons that make the act of bribing morally wrong. But also reasons that makes bribing morally right. For a nation in transition from being still a corrupt weak state, to a decent, less corrupt state, this lesson is crucial.

Blat: high level and low level corruption
Let's dig a bit deeper into this surprise. There are a few considerations I want to offer which pave our way to a better understanding of the »corrupted« mind as a learning imperative.
It makes sense to distinguish between high level, high prized corruption and low level, survival corruption, in Russian called blat. It's worthwhile to quote Orlando Figes from his The Whisperers at length on blat, because it give us a vivid description of survival corruption. In the third part of this paper, I will come back to this issue. "To cope with the problems of supply an 'economy of favors' came into operation through small informal networks of patrons and clients. ... To get anything (a rented room, household goods, a railway ticket, a passport or official papers) requires personal contacts -family and kin, colleagues, friends, or friends of friends. ... In factories and institutions, many goods and institutions were supplied and exchanged on the basis of personal contacts and favors. Soviet propaganda portrayed blat as a form of corruption. ... But most people were ambivalent in their attitude on blat: they recognized that is was not morally right, and certainly not legal, but relied on it, as everybody did, to fulfill their needs and get around a system they new to be unfair. Without blat, it was impossible to live with any comfort. ... As the proverb said: 'One must have, not a hundred roubles, but a hundred friends.'" 8 We can discuss if high level, high prized corruption is a precondition for low level, Contrary to what we often think, a totalitarian or oligarchic 'theory of authority' lacks this type of rational-legal bureaucracy. It is not rational and legal at all. It is even not traditional or charismatic.
Neither totalitarian (governance by terror), nor oligarchic (governance by wealth) 10 regard the legal-rational form of authority as 'their' form of authority. In accordance with 'political justice' 11 we can speak of 'political bureaucracy'. The separation of powers does not exist under totalitarian or oligarchic rule, or exist only in name. In oligarchic logic a political representative is a 'lawmaker', not a representative of 'the people' or 'the citizen'. He represents the oligarch and participates in a fine-grained system of checks-and-balances, bribe and counter-bribe, extortion and counter-extortion. That's why the 'bureaucratic' system is actually completely fake. There is e.g. no effective department of health care. The only properly working department is Finance. 12 Within this 'learning adapted environment' 13 the civil servant -literally in Russian robotnik, an employee of the state -had to learn to function, and had to do his job.

Agency: inside the »corrupted« mind
Integrity and corruption require different forms of agency, of self-governance and selfconstitution. 14 It looks as if totalitarian and oligarchic rule destroys the idea of agency itself.
But that's not true. It requires a different kind of agency, of self-constitution and selfgovernance, accommodated to perverted social circumstances. The bottom line is: everyonecivil servants and citizens -needs to learn to develop a »corrupted« mind to survive a totalitarian or oligarchic background. It requires what the great Lvivian microbiologist and philosopher of science Ludwik Fleck called a 'community and style of thinking'. 15 In other words: there is a logic of survival corruption. There is even a morality of survival corruption.
Living and working in totalitarian or oligarchic political institutions requires a certain moral virtue and reasoning under perverted circumstances. The »corrupted« mind is socially learned behavior. We are no moral dopes. You are born as a sinner, but not with a »corrupted« mind as an imperative of moral learning. There exists a tacit code of conduct of the good the »corrupted« mind. How to deal with the paradox of the written and the unwritten, contradictory laws, threats, and a blackmailing government.
As we learned -and will discuss below -there are also virtues -or competences -of the Though high level corruption is always a perversion and morally wrong and criminal, low level corruption isn't -as we saw -always morally wrong. Someone who performs a corrupt act, is not necessary a bad human being, and even not always acting morally wrong. What is extinguished, however, is the ability is to act with a view on the public good. preconditions of what Avishai Margalit calls the decent society, and forces you to become part of a 'rotten compromise'. 16 In this sense, it is more venomous. It destroys the trust in the difference between true and false, right and wrong, especially when in comes to 'acting in public'. It compromises you trustworthiness and righteousness. Oligarchic rule is even worse. Totalitarian rule can at least pretend to serve some ideal, to be realized in the future. The present is a means to an utopia-to-come and the party its moral agent. That's what justifies your current sacrifice. Oligarchic rule is stripped of this promise of righteousness. It leaves nothing than the 'value of nude cash' (Marx), not based on trust and contract als Weber proves to be the core of capitalism. But on the law that everything can be bought -even, or especially, your soul. It transforms every human relation in a cash machine.
It reduces every value to value-of-exchange under conditions of extreme inequality of economic power.

Where to begin?
Against these background it seems understandable, at least I hope, that deconstructing the »corrupted« mind, and finding new moral common ground -especially in the civil service -makes more than sense. So here is where our seminar moral judgment and the installing of a moral learning process in the City Council of Lviv, as our intervention, comes in. It helps to explain a bit how we work. • First, our strategy is not pressure from the outside, but change and transform from the inside.
We are aiming at organizational change. We try to ally with the city administration, management and employees, and build coalitions of the willing inside the City Council. In Lviv its Mayor, Andriy Sadovyy, and his staff, were and still are the core of this coalition.
They invited us to work with them together in this 'mission impossible' to lower corruption in the city, even when oligarchic power under the presidency of Viktor Yanukovich was at its peak between 2010 and 2014. International Index, have to be adjusted to, or even reinvented in, highly corrupt countries.
The reality principle (Freud) we are confronted with in Ukraine is that of a post-totalitarian, oligarchic nation. This is part and parcel of the daily live in Lviv. When it comes to the totalitarian experience for instance, Lviv as a borderland city, suffered from two totalitarian regimes, loosing 85% of it's residents between 1940 and 1950. When it comes to the oligarchic experience, Lviv itself is not an oligarchic city or region. But its political surroundings, with its epicenter in Kyiv, is. 19 So every effort to curb corruption has to take into account this path dependence, to use the language of historical institutionalism. The idea that fighting corruption is a copy-paste issue, is planning a failure. The same counts for the time it takes: it's a cross generational issue. 20 • Third, our Lviv project started already eight years ago. So far for Maidan, in circumstances that made fighting corruption virtually impossible. We had to deal with a low trust society, and with a malfunctioning local bureaucracy. Regularly national 'anti corruption' practices consisted in misusing rules and regulations, introducing fear and punishment, especially by the Prosecutor Office, not to reduce corruption, but extort the city administration. In sum: anti corruption was used to reproduce corruption, controlled by the big oligarchs -president 19 According to Sławomir Matuszak (Oligarchic Democracy, 2012) three oligarchic clans where formed under the Kuchma presidency. The Donetsk clan (Akhmentov, the Hayduk and Kluyev brothers) and the powerbase of the Viktor Yanukovich. The Dnipropretovsk clan (Kolomoyskyi, Lazarenko, Tymoshenko, Pinchuk, Boholyubov). The Kyiv clan (Medvedchuk, the Surkis brothers). It's noteworthy that Lviv is not seen as an oligarchic region. There exists no Lvivian oligarchic clan as the equivalent of the Dontesk, Dnipropretovsk and Kyiv clans. That makes Lviv an attractive laboratory in developing knowlegde and learning and designing and implementing policies for reducing corruption on a city level. 20 The Lvivian generation born under totalitarian rule understands this. When Putin took Crimea and threathened to invade Ukraine, they were preparing for the armed defensive of Lviv. They begged us to take care that the post 1991 generation should seek shelter in Poland. ' Yanukovich in top -supported by the Ministry of Finance and executed by the judiciary. As the late Samuel Huntington put it: "(I)n a society where corruption is widespread the passing of strict laws against corruption serves only to multiply the opportunity for corruption." 21 • In these circumstances, fourth, we, together with the city administration, decided that fighting corruption by enforcing compliance would be counterproductive. It would be a big fish to catch by the powerful political forces, especially from Kyiv. It would lower trust inside the City Council and among civil servants. And it would make the City Council even more vulnerable for extortion and bribing. That's why we proposed to start with a curve ball: install a process of moral learning inside the Lviv City Council. When it comes to fighting corruption moral learning seems hopelessly naive. Who is really corrupt and makes a lot of money, will not be worried at all. He can just go on doing what he always did. But it strengthens the moral capital among civil servants, it helps them to stop whispering, share cases and stories, and most of all it teaches civil servants that even under oligarchic rule it is possible to determine which line of action is morally right, and which is morally wrong.
• What proved to be of even more importance: we learned how a »corrupted« mind as an imperative of moral learning under post-totalitarian, oligarchic rule works and can be challenged. 22 In a decade of experiment this was probably the most impressive, and stimulating lesson: learn and study by creating a community of moral inquiry in the community of practice of civil servants. 23 Not from the outside, but from the inside. Not about civil servants, but with and by civil servants: how does the corruption actually work, in detail?
How does a civil servant under oligarchic political institutions think? How does his moral conscience look like? How to help him to strengthen his own, independent moral judgment? 21 Political Change in Changing Societies, p. 62. 22 To be sure: fighting corruption requires far more than a moral learning process in the City Councils. Apart from this moral learning process, it requires a system of preventive and repressive compliance, an anti-corruption and integrity agency inside the City Council, a monitoring civic forum and a coalition of anti-corruption forces inside city council, the civil society and the business society. 23 For me the work of Chris Argyris was and is invaluable. Here is an overview of styles of thinking and moral defensive routines which we found prevalent among civil servants of Lviv City Council, and ways to challenge them. solved.' Of course corruption is a regular issue in the trainings. Clarifying the complexity of corruption helps employees to understand corruption and their own involvement. A much recurring idea is that corruption is about bad people. Since you're not one of the bad guys, you don't have to change anything.' 'It's possible', so challenge the trainers, 'But don't you think corruption is a problem of a lack of decent structures. Not of people? Consider our small survival corruption (Blat). We don't do that because we are bad. We exchange the only thing we have, social capital, in stead of money, to solve problems and create opportunities for our kids. Breaking away of corruption means that we have to create structures which makes it no longer necessary to bribe someone to be a good parent.' 10. On trust: 'Its all about salaries.' Usually the excuse on corruption is accompanied by the argument that it is 'all about salaries'. As long as pay is low, corruption stays. Again, you can go on with your life and work als usual. Trainers counter this excuse by pointing out 'that's not about salaries, but about attitudes and trust. As long a we keep avoiding our own responsibility, and working on trustworthy relations, money won't do anything.' 11. On organizational education: 'We have no time to educate people.' When discussing with managers failures and bad performance of employees, regularly the 'shifting the blame' argument -'We have no time to educate people' -comes up. 'If they don't perform well, they have to be punished.' This is an effective way of creating a low trust department. Trainers explain: 'It is unfair not to educate people. This is not honest. If no one teaches them how to perform well, they will fail. You have to be good to clients, and companies, but also to your employees. This is the difference between the Mafia and Lviv City Council. The Mafia takes good care of its 'employees', but not of its 'clients'. In Lviv City Council it's the other way around. Educating employees is the start of a decent organization.' 12. On punishment: Punishment or scapegoating? Punishment and fear of punishment is a recurring theme in the training. Managers often feel that punishment is the only alternative in controlling employees. Trainers discuss with them that they have seen an lot of unfair punishment: 'Wrong people are punished for wrong reasons, like being punished for not performing well or to respond to external pressure. Often it is not punishing, but scapegoating.
The whole system is twisted. It creates mistrust and fear, low learning and low performance.
Managers are responsible to punish impartially, fair and for good reasons.' Let me summarize our findings. The seminars on moral judgment with civil servants offered an insight in a style of thinking and moral strategies of dealing with the predicaments of the post-totalitarian, oligarchic institutional pressure and practices in Lviv City Council and Lviv as a city in transition. 25 These are the predicaments of transitional justice. We came across a certain attitude and mindset which we called little flattering but not without reason a »corrupted« mind'. The »corrupted« mind is what Chris Argyris calls a pattern of defensive reasoning and a organizational defensive routine. Defensive reasoning and organizational defensive routines are "actions or policies that prevent individuals or segments of the organization from experiencing embarrassment or threat. Simultaneously, they prevent people from identifying and getting rid of the causes of the potential embarrassment or threat.
Organizational defensive routines are anti learning, over protective, and self-sealing." Organizational defensive routines are, according to Argyris, not innate, but social learned in acts of organized self-constitution. 26 The »corrupted« mind as a learning imperative is thus a way of self-constitution and self-governance that not only reflects but also actively generates and maintains these institutional practices. Targeting and challenging this »corrupted« mind, opened up new, sometimes confusing or disturbing, moral experiences and perspectives for participants in the seminars. In that sense the seminars on moral judgment proved to be a specimen of transformative moral learning.
But it also led to new questions. For instance, I had always seen the civil servants as the passive victims of these oligarchic institutional practices. But now I began to see them also as vectors. How, I asked myself, do these moral theories-in-use of the »corrupted« mind of the civil servant, contribute and reinforce corruption in Ukraine? And, most important, what is the cure of this moral pathology? In the last part of my paper, I want to contemplate on these questions by shifting the stage from a micro, individual perspective, to a macro, institutional perspective.

The bell of flies
25 I have tot stress again that Lviv City Council is not itself a specimen of an oligarchic political institution. In stead it is a city in transition, probably the most promising city in Ukraine. But as a city in transition it has to deal with what I call in this paper 'post-totalitarian, oligarchic practices' which permeats every political institution in Ukraine. 26  The »corrupted« mind as a imperative of moral learning, of course, reveals not so much an individual, personal disorder or moral pathology. It is first of all special a type of agency which makes it possible for civil servants in Lviv to cope with post-totalitarian and oligarchic political institutions -the weak state and bureaucracy, the perverted rule of law and a non accountable government and democracy -and their related practices in a city in transition and a nation that also tries to come to terms with its totalitarian, soviet past. The »corrupted« mind total of "what everybody knows" about a social world, an assemblage of maxims, morals, proverbial nuggets of wisdom, values and beliefs, myths, and so forth.' 28 These 'symbolic universes' are, according to Berger and Luckmann "social products with a history. If one is to understand their meaning, one has to understand the history of their production." 29 Or, as we would say today, their genealogy. This quest for institutional genesis invites us to reconstruct the institutional dimension of the »corrupted« mind as an imperative of moral learning, against the foil of its paths dependence with regard to totalitarian, oligarchic and national-democratic institutionalization in Ukraine. 30 30 Path dependence refers to the idea that 'outcomes at a 'critical juncture' trigger feedback mechanisms (negative or positive) that reinforce the recurrence of a particular pattern in the future ... Once actors have ventured far down a particular path, they find it very difficult to reverse course ... The 'path not taken' or the political alternatives that were once quite plausible may become irretrievalby lost. 'Path dependence' analysis highlights the role of ... 'historical causation' in which dynamics triggered by an event or process at one point in time reproduces dopes (Garfinkel). In their moral theories-in-use (Argyris) we find several characteristics which make survival corruption under oligarchic rule plausible, and even 'justified', and hard to fight.
In this path dependence we recognize some of the points made in the first part of this paper: the institutional reinforcement by the »corrupted« mind of moral dissonance and low trust (3.1.), the problem of the moral consensus, legitimacy and institutional corruption (3.2.) and The Bell of Flies and path dependence(3.3.) I want to discuss these three issues briefly. In the end they will help us to appreciate and value the process of transformative moral learning as breaking the spell of The Bell of Flies and learning to fly (again).

Institutional moral dissonance and low trust
First we can seen that the »corrupted« mind provokes a split in pseudo-loyalty to the political institutions and the retreat of trust in the sphere of private relations: family, friends and clients. I call this 'institutional moral dissonance'. Under totalitarian -soviet -rule institutions, like a city administration, the judiciary or the police couldn't be trusted. They were dangerous, and many Ukrainian paid dearly by becoming too visible as a arbitrary target of repression. The wisest policy under these threatening circumstances was to stay under the radar and fake loyalty on the one hand and, on the other hand, to create small circles of trust inside and outside the civil service that supports survival, including survival corruption. Institutionalized posttotalitarian and oligarchic practices continue this inheritance, although in a much milder form.
The moral strategies of distancing itself form Lviv City Council not only adapts to the institutional moral dissonance, but also reinforces the institutional moral dissonance.
The price of fake-loyalty is low trust. Low trust on the one hand among civil servants.   33 I don't want to discuss the concept here, but only point out a few key points. According to Lessig "institutional corruption is manifest when there is a systemic and strategic influence which is legal, or even currently ethical, that undermines the institution's effectiveness by diverting it from its purpose or weakening its ability to achieve its purpose, including, to the extent relevant to its purpose, weakening either the public's trust in that institution or the institution's inherent trustworthiness." 34  • Totalitarian moral judgment -The Parties is the measure of righteousness. An action is just if it is in accordance with the general interest, as represented by the Party. The moral judgment is deductive. The just action is deduced from the policy and prescription dictated by the Party.
• Oligarchic moral judgment -The measure of righteousness is provided by calculating the benefits an action contributes to the wealth of a clientele. An action is just if it optimizes you own interests and that of your clientele. The moral judgment is inductive, in the sense that it rationally calculates costs and benefits for all patrons and clients involved. Sometimes you need just some luck. In September 2013, we were rather pessimistic on Ukraines future. President ViktorYanukovich seemed untouchable. Our best hope were the elections of 2015. We, and our Ukrainian friends and colleagues, felt stuck. And then, two months later, as a miracle Maidan -the revolt of dignity -came and changed everything.
Suddenly, there was no justification to keep flying in circles in the bell -although the habitualized corrupted flies still found it difficult to make up their own mind. Departments began to declare themselves a 'corruption free area'. Civil servants began to wear buttons 'I can't be bribed'. Making up your own moral mind -filling the moral void -at once didn't seem futile.
I think, one of the main lessons learned from our seminars on moral judgment is that, also under less favorable circumstances, deciding what is morally right is possible and increases the moral capital, whatever happens. Though people where often skeptical, they also often perceived this as a revelation and salvation. Breaking down the »corrupted« mind is possible and worthwhile.
'It makes us more open and trustworthy.' I invited you on a journey, which is still not finished. I really doubt if in my lifetime I will see a corruption free Lviv or Ukraine, which enters the Transparency International Top 50.
But I sincerely trust that the Ukrainians will improve and will break the spell of the »corrupted« mind. It's a wonderful experience to see people -young and old -regain their dignity. This is of course not only a history about Lviv and the Lvivians. It's also a history of a middle aged philosopher, a social researcher, working on innovative methods of moral research and intervention. Research which also breaks the spell of soulless, sterile qualitative research which only reproduces what we already know. Research that helps civil servants of Lviv, citizens of Ukraine, even in their darkest hour to learn to fly...again.

Alkmaar
The Netherlands March 2017